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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">sociolpolitol</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Вестник Московского университета. Серия 18. Социология и политология</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Moscow State University Bulletin. Series 18. Sociology and Political Science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1029-3736</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2541-8769</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Publishing House of Lomonosov Moscow State University</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24290/1029-3736-2021-27-2-200-217</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">sociolpolitol-855</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ПОЛИТИЧЕСКАЯ СОЦИОЛОГИЯ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Современные технологии социального управления в политическом процессе США (на примере президентской избирательной кампании 2020 г.)</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Modern technologies of social management in the US political process (using the example of the 2020 presidential election campaign)</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Фельдман</surname><given-names>П. Я.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Feldman</surname><given-names>P. Y.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Фельдман Павел Яковлевич, канд. полит. наук, доц., доц. кафедры философии и социологии </p><p>ул. Лобачевского, 90, г. Москва, Российская Федерация, 119454 </p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Feldman Pavel Y., Candidate of Political Science, Aassociate professor, Department of philosophy and sociology</p><p>Lobachevskogo str., 90, Moscow, Russian Federation, 119454 </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">pavelfeld@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Данюк</surname><given-names>Н. С.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Danyuk</surname><given-names>N. S.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Данюк Никита Сергеевич, канд. историч. наук, первый заместитель директора; член Общественной палаты РФ</p><p>ул. Миклухо-Маклая, 10, г. Москва, Российская Федерация, 117198</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Danyuk Nikita S., Candidate of Historical Science, Deputy Director; Member of the Civic Chamber of the Russian Federation</p><p>Mikluho-Maklaya str., 10, Moscow, Russian Federation, 117198 </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">danyuk@isip.su</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Сенокоп</surname><given-names>Я. С.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Senokop</surname><given-names>Y. S.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Сенокоп Ян Станиславович,  асп. кафедры международных отношений и интеграционных процессов факультета политологии</p><p>Ленинские горы, 1, г. Москва, Российская Федерация 119991 </p><p> </p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Senokop Yan S., Posgraduate Student, Department of International Relations and Integration Processes, Faculty of Political Science</p><p>Leninsky Gory, 1, Moscow, Russian Federation, 119991 </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">yan.senockop@yandex.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-3"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>ОУП ВО “Академия труда и социальных отношений”</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Academy of labor and social relations</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Института стратегических исследований и прогнозов (ИСИП) РУДН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Institute for Strategic Studies and Predictions at RUDN University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-3"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>МГУ имени М.В. Ломоносова</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Lomonosov Moscow State University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>31</day><month>05</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>27</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>184</fpage><lpage>201</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Фельдман П.Я., Данюк Н.С., Сенокоп Я.С., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Фельдман П.Я., Данюк Н.С., Сенокоп Я.С.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Feldman P.Y., Danyuk N.S., Senokop Y.S.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://vestnik.socio.msu.ru/jour/article/view/855">https://vestnik.socio.msu.ru/jour/article/view/855</self-uri><abstract><p>В настоящей статье осуществляется прикладной анализ сетевых социальных технологий, посредством которых западные IT-корпорации оказывают прямое и опосредованное влияние на политические процессы. Предметом исследования выступает совокупность инструментов форматирования публичного информационного пространства, нашедших применение в ходе электоральной кампании по выборам президента США 2020 г. Совокупность эмпирических наблюдений позволяет утверждать, что крупнейшие сетевые ресурсы (Facebook, Twitter, Google, YouTube и др.) так или иначе способствовали успеху кандидата от Демократической партии.</p><p>Изучив релевантный американский опыт, авторы статьи выделяют набор манипулятивных технологий, используемых администрацией социальных сетей для формирования специфических электоральных установок у пользователей. В их числе блокировка аккаунтов; настройка поисковых алгоритмов таким образом, чтобы они выдавали заранее запрограммированный результат; маркировка идеологически чуждых материалов как “фейковых”, “недостоверных”, “манипулятивных” и “потенциально опасных”; автоматическая рекомендация тех или иных материалов к просмотру; удаление или искусственная пессимизация неугодного контента.</p><p>Стремясь к расширению собственной аудитории, социальные сети насыщают виртуальное пространство так называемым “партизанским” контентом, который у одной части общества вызывает бурное одобрение, а у другой — не менее бурное возмущение. Это влечет за собой поляризацию и радикализацию масс. Наиболее деструктивные последствия данного процесса констатируются в США, где приверженцы Демократов и Республиканцев из политических оппонентов превращаются в полных антагонистов.</p><p>Обретение социальными сетями, поисковыми системами и новостными агрегаторами политической субъектности создает предпосылки для качественного изменения устоявшихся электоральных практик. Наибольшую озабоченность вызывает способность IT-корпораций манипулировать политическим сознанием и поведением граждан в ходе судьбоносных избирательных кампаний. Осознание данного обстоятельства заставляет авторов статьи поставить вопрос о необходимости упорядочения политико-коммуникационных процессов, разворачивающихся на виртуальных платформах в интернете.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>This article provides an applied analysis of the social network technologies used by Western IT-companies to exert a direct or indirect influence on political processes. The study focuses on a set of tools that were employed to shape the media landscape during the 2020 presidential election campaign in the United States. Overall, the empirical observations suggest that the largest networking services (such as Facebook, Twitter, Google, YouTube, etc.) more or less contributed to the success of the Democratic candidate.</p><p>Having studied the relevant U.S. experience, the authors identify a set of manipulative techniques used by social network administrators to form specific electoral attitudes among users. These include blocking accounts; setting up search algorithms to produce pre-programmed results; labeling ideologically objectionable materials as “fake”, “untrustworthy”, “manipulative” and “potentially dangerous”; automatically recommending certain materials for viewing; and removing or pessimizing unwanted content.</p><p>Seeking to expand their own audience, social networks flood the media space with so-called “partisan” content, which is vigorously welcomed by one part of society and just as vigorously rejected by another. This leads to polarization and radicalization of the masses. The most destructive consequences of this process can be witnessed in the United States, where Democrat and Republican supporters become not just political opponents but real antagonists.</p><p>Social media, search engines and news aggregators, developing their capacity as political actors, pave the way to a qualitative change in the established electoral practices. The greatest concern is the ability of IT-companies to manipulate the political consciousness and behavior of citizens during crucial election campaigns. Considering this circumstance, the authors raise a question about the need to regulate the political and communication processes unfolding on the Internet platforms.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>политическая коммуникация</kwd><kwd>социальные технологии</kwd><kwd>манипуляция массовым сознанием</kwd><kwd>социальные сети</kwd><kwd>электоральное поведение</kwd><kwd>“фейковые новости”</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>political communication</kwd><kwd>social technologies</kwd><kwd>manipulation of mass consciousness</kwd><kwd>social networks</kwd><kwd>electoral behavior</kwd><kwd>fake news</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Аккаунты президента США в Twitter перейдут Байдену в день инаугурации // РБК. 2020.21.10. 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